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Kurdish movement 1950–1990 years

Kurdish movement during an epoch of Cold war. Kurdistan because of the geographical affinity to the USSR was considered in the West as natural anti-Soviet base, and its basic population — Kurds owing to the well-known traditionally prorussian and prosoviet orientation, as a natural reserve of Moscow in case of possible complications in the Middle East which people have strengthened struggle against imperialism and colonialism. Therefore Kurdish national movement then in the West concerned with suspicion or it is directly hostile, and to the antikurdish chauvinistic policy of ruling circles of the Middle-Eastern countries — allies of the countries of the NATO and members of its Middle-Eastern branch — the Bagdad pact (then SENTO) it is favourable. For the same reason in Soviet Union concerned foreign Kurds as to potential allies and informally supported Kurdish movements and parties with the left orientations, such as the wars which have arisen right after «Democratic party of the Iranian Kurdistan» (DPIK), «Democratic party of Kurdistan» (DPK) in Iraq and their analogues approximately under the same name in Syria and Turkey. After falling of a Kurdish autonomy in Mehabad (to which defeat of Kurdish revolt in Iraq in 1943–1945, headed by Mustafa Barzani preceded, then the commander of armed forces of the Mehabad autonomy and the main figure in Kurdish resistance) in Kurdish movement some time recession though large performances, for example country revolt in Mehabad and Bokane (the Iranian Kurdistan) are noted some was observed. Only on a boundary 1950–1960 there were preconditions for a new steep slope of Kurdish national movement.

The main stimulus for its rough revival became quickly developing with second half 1950 crisis almost in all countries of the Middle East, caused become aggravated antagonism between Arabian (and also in considerable and Muslim) world and Israel and aspiration of two military-political blocks resisting each other in the world to exploit it, for easing of the probable opponent. Thus if the West aspired to keep and whenever possible to strengthen the imperial positions in region (in the first the control over oil) the USSR and its allies actively supported sharply becoming more active local nationalism which has accepted obviously anti western direction. In Egypt, Syria, Iraq has fallen westernized puppet modes. In such situation the gaining in strength Kurdish nationalism has received relative freedom of maneuver and possibility openly and independently to act on Middle-Eastern and a world scene, and its basic opponents the regional modes which were carrying out concerning the Kurdish population to the policy of national discrimination have acted. The beginning was put by events in the Iraq (Southern) Kurdistan which became the centre of national movement.

In September 1961 revolt come back of emigration in the USSR general Mustafa Barzani, the leader Iraq DPK there has lifted. Shortly Kurdish insurgents (them named «peshmerga» — «Going to death») have created in the northeast of Iraq, mainly in its mountain part, large cleared region — «Free Kurdistan», the centre of Kurdish independence [1, P.21]. The antagonism between Kurdish insurgents and retaliatory armies of the government lasted about 15 years (with breaks). As a result resistance of the Iraq Kurds was temporary is broken, but not up to the end, and the government victory was not unconditional. The law from March, 11th 1974 Bagdad has been compelled to go for creation of Kurdish independent area «Kurdistan» and to promise it certain guarantees in the field of the local government, some social and civil rights, equality of Kurdish language, etc. That there was a first precedent in a modern history of the Middle East, specifying that process of an official recognition of the right of the Kurdish people on self-determination has begun   [2, 35] Come to power in Iraq in 1968 party Baas («the Socialist party of the Arabian revival»), tried to emasculate the democratic maintenance of the concessions made still in 1970 Kurds (which them from the very beginning have not satisfied). An autonomy the emissaries sent from Bagdad and local collaborators actually operated. Animosities of ruling circles of Iraq to Kurds began to be shown especially obviously after an establishment in the country of the individual power of Saddam Hussein proclaimed in 1979 president. Having taken advantage untied of it in 1980 war against Iran, it has organized gas attack of the Iraq Air Forces to the Kurdish city of Halabdzha (on March, 16th 1988); was lost, by different estimations, from several hundreds to 5000 civilians. [3]

Thus, there were reasons on which revival of Kurdish resistance in Iraq was inevitable. The political organizations of the Iraq Kurdistan have tried to draw conclusions from failures of the past and to overcome disagreements weakening them. In 1976 earlier broken away from DPK led by Dzhalalom Talabani the group has organized the party of the Iraq Kurds second for influence «Patriotic union of Kurdistan» which has gone on the union with DPK. Same year insurgent movement in the Iraq Kurdistan under the direction of DPK and PSK has renewed. In 1980 Iraq Kurds continued to collect the strength, preparing for new performances. The Syrian Kurds also actively opposed a mode of national lawlessness in Syria and toughened local baasists after capture of the power by them in 1963. In the country there were Kurdish democratic parties (DPK Syria «al-Parti», etc.) Headed struggle of Kurdish minority for the rights. The mode of president Hafeza Asada established on a boundary of 1960–1970th, practically has made nothing for simplification of position of Kurds, trying in the confrontation with Ankara and Bagdad to use disagreements between various Kurdish parties of Syria, Iraq and Turkey that has caused a damage to unity of Kurdish national movement.

In 1986 three main Kurdish parties in Syria have united in «the Kurdish democratic union». After a long break active struggle of Kurds of Turkey against the official policy of non-recognition with interdictions following from here in the field of language, culture, formation, mass-media performances against which were strictly punished as display «kurdism» has renewed, separatism position of Turkish Kurds after a military coup d'etat, etc. has especially worsened on May, 27th, 1960, one of the main pretexts for which was prevention of threat of Kurdish separatism. A military caste in Turkey, occupied (directly or it is veiled) key positions in system of the government and organized two subsequent revolutions (in 1971 and 1980), has begun struggle against Kurdish movement. It has led only to activization of Kurdish resistance in Turkey; in 1960–1970th years there were some Kurdish parties and the organizations, operating is underground, including Democratic party of Turkish Kurdistan (DPTK) and the in a revolutionary way-cultural centers of the East. In 1970 DPTK has united in the numbers some small Kurdish parties and groups and has developed the program with wide all-democratic requirements with granting to Kurds «the rights to define the destiny». In 1974 there was a Socialist party of Turkish Kurdistan (SPTK), popular among Kurdish intelligence and youth.

Simultaneously Kurdish patriots have established communications and interaction with Turkish progressive political forces. To the beginning 1980 conditions in Turkish Kurdistan have considerably become aggravated. The Kurdish legal and illegal organizations, which number all time increased, have strengthened antigovernmental propaganda and passed to violent acts. The greatest popularity, especially among the poorest and socially uncomfortable layers of the Kurdish population, the Party of workers of Kurdistan (speak the Workers' party of Kurdistan, RPK is more often, a Kurdish abbreviation — PKK), based by Abdulla Ogalan in 1978 has got. It was the extreme Left organization professing Marxism-Leninism maoistskastrovskii of sense and preferring violent methods of struggle, including terrorist. The separate guerrilla performances organized PKK, are noted already in the late seventies — the beginning of 1980th years, and in 1984 party has openly begun insurgent struggle against the Turkish authorities and retaliatory bodies in East Anatoly. Since then Turkish Kurdistan has turned to the new constant centre of intensity in the Middle East. It was not possible to any of the contradictory parties to get the best: to Kurds — to achieve the recognition of the rights to self-determination, to Ankara — to break getting stronger Kurdish resistance. Long-term bloody war against Kurds aggravated economic Turkey economic and political difficulties, generated right extremism destabilizing its political system, undermined the international prestige of the country, interfering with its joining to the European structures. [4]

On Kurdish movement, both in Turkey, and in other countries, struggle under the direction of PKK and its leader Ogalan has had inconsistent influence. It everywhere, in the east and in the Western world, caused responses among democratic the adjusted levels of population, has involved the labour levels of population, studying youth in active struggle, promoted distribution of data on Kurds and their struggle, internationalization of a Kurdish question. At the same time and to its followers adventurous tactics, illegibility in a choice of means of struggle as terrorism, inability to reckon with real conditions and artificial «running» forward, sectarianism and a hegemonism of its management in development of a strategic line that eventually has led to its political isolation from other groups of Kurdish movement and to defeat were inherent in this party. In Iran the Kurdish problem was not so is heated, but it constantly became aggravated from the beginning 1960 under the influence of the sociopolitical intensity which has arisen in the country during «bloodless revolution» and events in the next Iraq Kurdistan. In 1967–1968 under the direction of DPIK revolt in area   Mehabada, the Bath and Serdeshta proceeding of one and a half year and severely suppressed has flashed. Despite defeat, DPIK has not lost courage and has developed active work on development of the new program and the party charter. The basic slogan «democracy — to Iran, autonomy — to Kurdistan» has been proclaimed, and party tactics assumed a combination of the armed struggle to political methods which have been aimed at creations of a united front of all forces oppositional to a mode. The Iranian Kurds have taken active part in accruing in the late seventies national the anti-shahian movement, come to the end with «Islamic revolution», overthrow the authorities and declaration in the beginning 1979 of «Islamic republic Iran», actually being board Shiit «mullokratiya».[5] For Kurds, as well as for all Iranian people, this «revolution» in which they could not prove the independent political force, capable to defend the national requirements, has turned back counterrevolution, dictatorship of imam Khomeini and its adherents and successors. Even in religious aspect this mode of medieval type was it is dangerous to interests of Kurdish minority, in overwhelming majority synnism. Khomeinism denied presence in Iran of an ethnic question, including, of course, and Kurdish, putting it is exclusive in frameworks «Islamic ymma» as already solved. The new power has resolutely rejected project DPIK about an administrative and cultural autonomy for Kurds.

Disagreements 1979 have outgrown in the spring in armed conflicts between forces of Kurdish resistance (groups DPIK, Kurdish left organisation «Kamal» and come to the rescue them peshmerga from Iraq, the left formations of Persians fedains and Mojaheds) and the governmental armies strengthened by groups of gendarmerie, police and Islamic attack planes from the case of guards of Islamic revolution (KSIR). In the summer 1979 fights between Kurdish insurgents and chasteners occurred almost on all territory of the Iranian Kurdistan. DPIK has established the control over big its part, including big cities. In some of them the power of Kurdish revolutionary councils has been established. Kurdish religious leader Ezzedin Hosejni declared even jihad against the central government. Heads of the Iranian Kurds repeatedly called Teheran for negotiations about a peaceful settlement of the conflict and carrying out in the areas of social and economic and politic-administrative reforms occupied by Kurds. However negotiations have not taken place.

In the autumn 1979 government has developed approach to Kurds and has managed to push aside them in mountains where they have begun guerrilla war. The Islamic mode has developed the most severe control in those areas of Kurdistan over which it managed to restore the control. Defeat of the Iranian Kurds in the beginning of existence of an Islamic mode has been in many respects caused by absence of unity in the Kurdish movement, a traditional Kurdish particularism. Especially it is a lot of harm to Kurdish business have caused the extreme Left forces in parties «Kamals», «Ryzgari» and in others. Split it has appeared also itself DPIK, than the Iranian authorities which to the middle 1980 have finished an establishment of the control practically over all territory of the Iranian Kurdistan have taken advantage. In 1980th years Kurdish movement in Iran and Iraq had hard time. The Iran-Iraq war (1980–1988) has created for it the extremely adverse conditions. Military operations partially went in territory of Kurdistan, Kurds sustained human and material losses. Besides, both belligerent parties tried to get support of the Kurdish population of the opponent that served both to Teheran, and Bagdad as a pretext for Antikurdish retaliatory measures (including the mentioned gas attack in Halabdzhe). To the beginning 1990 general situation in Kurdistan was the extremely difficult and strained.

Kurdish question 1980–1990. The World-wide and historical changes, attacked a boundary 1980– 1990 in connection with the termination of cold war and disintegration of the USSR, directly also were indirectly reflected in Kurdish national movement. It continued to develop in that geopolitical reality which has demanded new approaches in strategy and struggle tactics. First of all it concerned a situation in the Iraq and Turkish Kurdistan. In 1980, having taken advantage of war with Iran, Iraq has brought to nothing all concessions which it has made before to Kurds. The independent area began to submit to Bagdad. Measures on resettlement of Kurds from boundary villages, and also against the Kurds suspected of antigovernmental actions were To the beginning of 1990th years when intrusion of Iraq into Kuwait in August 1990 was caused by the next sharpest crisis in the Middle East, the Iraq Kurdistan was on the eve of new large performance of Kurds. In Iran both during lifetime of Khomeini, and after his death in 1989 Kurdish autonomic movement choked; it could function only in an underground and in emigration. In July 1989 in Vienna secretary general DPIK A.Kasemlu has been killed, in September 1992 in Berlin new secretary general DPIK S.Sharafkandi was lost [6]. Negotiations with Kurdish nationalists about an autonomy of the Iranian Kurdistan with a management of Iran have been broken. During Khatami's presidency when positions of supporters concerning a liberal realistic course have amplified, the tendency to go on some concessions to the Kurdish population in the field of culture, formation and the information policy was showed to lower at it heat of protest moods.

Thus the authorities tried to play on ethnic and linguistic relationship of Persians and Kurds, like having identical state-political interests. On this basis Kurds have no representatives in magilice though there are deputies from other not Persian ethnoses (including Assyrians and Armenians). With second half 1980 in southeast Turkey insurgent movement, headed by PKK has considerably amplified. Attacks on police stations, gendarme posts, military bases were regularly made. There were Kurdish condemned men. Organizational and propaganda activity PKK has stepped over Turkish borders, party influence has extended on a considerable part of the Syrian Kurds (Ogalan with the staff has moved to Syria). Active workers PKK have developed wide propaganda among Kurdish diaspora in Western and the Eastern Europe in heading them to a press and on Kurdish TV (MED-TV). From its part the Turkish government has toughened reprisals against Kurds. Turkey has extended sphere of Antikurdish campaigns and to Northern Iraq on which territory, pursuing receding Kurdish the guerrilla, they went deep on 20–30 km. Events in Turkish Kurdistan got over Kurdish scale, no less than Antikurdish actions of all Near-Eastern governments. So, under pressing of Ankara, in the end of October, 1998 Damascus has refused to Ogalan the political asylum right. After several days of wanderings on the different countries Ogalan has been seized by Turkish special services, we judge and is sentenced in June 1999 to the death penalty subsequently replaced with life imprisonment. Arrest and court over Ogalan has caused huge explosion of discontent in Kurdish Diaspora in Europe [7, P.12– 13].

However Kurdish movement in Turkey is sharply trite on recession. Ogalan has urged to lay down arms and enter from prison of the colleagues with the government negotiations on the basis of partial satisfaction of their requirements, as has been made: in Turkey there was a Kurdish press, radio and TV. Ogalan's business has shown that the left extremism in Kurdish movement in Turkey kept basically on charisma of its leader, instead of on objective soil; with its leaving from a political arena revolt has been doomed to defeat, and the basic problems of Turkish Kurds remain unresolved. Defeat of Iraq in Kuwait the beginning 1991, put to it heading by the USA a coalition («the Storm in desert»), has marked approach of a new stage in emancipating struggle of the Iraq Kurds though the Kurdish question took the subordinated place in these events. In February 1991 in the Iraq Kurdistan the spontaneous revolt which participants hoped for the help of the USA their allies has flashed and has in a short space of time released all country. However Kurds have been once again sacrificed to geopolitical interests of the West, in this case the USA, which have not been interested in the further destabilization of conditions round Iraq (mainly in its Kurdish and Shiit areas) and consequently have allowed Saddam Hussein to suppress Kurdish revolt.

However soon Americans have changed the relation to Iraq. Over Kurdish and Shiit areas of Iraq the American-English air umbrella — non flying zone for the Iraq aircraft has been established, the mode of economic sanctions (embargo) is entered, long-term confrontation of Iraq mainly with the USA and England has begun. As a result has for the first time in history arisen favorable for the part of the Kurdish people living in Iraq, the situation, allowing to achieve realization of the requirements. In April-May 1992 front of Southern Kurdistan which included all basic Kurdish parties, has organized elections in the first Kurdish parliament (national assembly). About 90 % of voices two main Kurdish parties — DPK and PSK have received; voices between them were divided almost fifty-fifty. Heads of these parties — Masud Barzani and Dzhalal Talabani became two informal leaders of the country. The government has been generated and the declaration on the Federal union is accepted. Thereby the beginning of Kurdish statehood was necessary and the government structure is planned. The new power supervised the most part of Southern Kurdistan (55 thousand in sq. km from 74), named «Free Kurdistan». Under the power of Bagdad remained only petroliferous district of Kirkuk in which the policy of support of Turkic minority the Turkmen and territory to the north of 36 parallels, adjoining to Mosul was spent. «Free Kurdistan» used military-political and partially economic (in frameworks mainly the humanitarian help) support of the USA and their nearest allies, but had no international legal status. It was the autonomy in full that for Kurds was doubtless progress and the important step to struggle for national self-determination as on their parties were the USA and its allies [5].

The first years of existence of «Free Kurdistan» has appeared uneasy. At doubtless successes in adjustment of an economic life, the decisions of essential social problems and in the national education organization serious miscalculations in creation of a healthy internal political climate have been admitted. The low level of the political culture expressed in not got rid representations of a traditional society, first of all typically Kurdish particularism has affected. In 1994 there was a sharp conflict between DPK and PSK, poured out in long confrontation with use of the armed force. There was a loss threat by the Iraq Kurds of their achievements. Process of reconciliation to which, proceeding from the interests, in every possible way promoted the USA however has begun. On September, 17th 1998 in Washington between Masudom Barzani and Dzhalalom Talabani the agreement on a conflict peaceful settlement has been entered into. On definitive liquidation of the conflict and the coordination of the remained questions at issue a lot of time, but eventually all disagreements has left have been overcome.

 

References

  1. Barkovskaya E. Islam today and human rights.//Asia and Africa today. -2000. — № 8. — 70 р.
  2. Lazarev M.S., Mgoi Sh.H., Vasilyiev M.A., Gasratyan M.A., Gigalina O.I. History of Kurdistan. -M, 1999. -519 р.
  3. Current archive of Department of Asia and Africa, MFA KZ
  4. mideast.ru/test/base
  5. Current archive of Department of Asia and Africa, MFA KZ
  6. Lazarev M.S. Kurdistan in geopolitical aspect.// Continent. -2000. — № 5. — 40 р.

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