Changes in the vision of the leadership of the role and place of the Russian Federation in the globalizing world have become one of the prerequisites for the building up of “soft power”. The relevance of the study of the soft power policy of the Russian Federation and the assessment of its prospects are also increasing due to the close co-operation of Russia and Kazakhstan, after the collapse of the USSR, as receivers of the post-Soviet space. The author in the article examines the activities of Russia’s public diplomacy and its soft penetration into Kazakhstan. Methods of working with primary sources, stat data, and included critical analysis during the study helped to identify the main characteristics of their work in Kazakhstan.

Methods of research

The theoretical basis of the work is the concept of “soft power” J. Nye. The author compares the content of the concept with the practice undertaken by the Russian authorities to promote their interests in Kazakhstan. To analyze the approaches of Russia’s “soft power” and justify the conclusions, the methods used to study the statistical data, expert’s interview were used, the primary sources of the included critical analysis of the study helped the author to compare the discourses of the domestic expert environment with international ones and identify the main trends.

When analyzing Russian initiatives through the prism of the concept of “soft power” J. Nye, it is important to take into account the context and origin of the term, which is westernized and developed, primarily, from the point of view of democratic regimes. In addition, J. Nye first introduced the term “soft power” into circulation in 1990 in the book “Limits of Leadership: Changes in the Nature of American Power” under an entirely different geopolitical situation in the world. “Soft power”, according to Nye’s concept, is “the ability to do so that the goals of one country seem attractive to another” [1]. However, do not literally understand the word “soft”. For example, Nye also argues in his theory that when a country with military potential is a security guarantor or uses military resources to help with disasters or wars in order to help another country, this is also considered a “soft power”. Thus, Nye sums up: “The hard and soft forces are related, because both are varieties of the ability to achieve the goal, influencing the behavior of others. The differences between them are in degree, nature of behavior and in the tangibility of resources. The power of the prescription (or “hard power” note of the author) the ability to change what others are doing consists of coercion and stimulation. The power of co-optation (or assimilation) -the ability to shape what others want-is based on the attraction of someone’s culture and values or the ability to manipulate the agenda of political preferences in a way that makes them change their mind about expressing these preferences, as they seem unrealistic”[2].

In order to compare the “soft” and “hard” forces, J. Nye in one of his works illustrated his idea graphically: “Hard power” and “soft power”, although they are diametrically opposed, but are located on one straight line and thus form a continuum (Fig. 1) [3].

Figure 1 – Hard and soft Power

According to the British agency Softland, Russia in 2016 for the first time in its history ranked 27th in the TOP-30 countries with “soft power”. It is expected that the leaders are traditionally the United States, Britain and Germany. Thus, the Russian Federation became the first authoritarian regime to overtake China. The British agency stressed the Kremlin’s “great efforts” to improve the country’s image both at the national and international levels [4]. Russia is well aware of the importance of Kazakhstan for itself. The understanding of the importance of Kazakhstan for Russia is reflected in the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation in 2013, which says that the importance of using “soft power”. Thus, it is pointed out that in Kazakhstan “the Russian language, Russian culture and the Russian-language information space ... should be viewed as comparable in importance to economic or military-political instruments for the realization of Russian interests” [5]. The instrument of “soft power” did not immediately enter the arsenal of Russia’s foreign policy. After criticism and long doubts, Russia still took the idea of J. Nye about the “soft power”, including this concept in the text of the Concept of Russia’s foreign policy of 2013 [6]. However, often this concept is perceived rather as any non-violent impact. The idea of attractiveness goes into the background. Russia has some advantage over other countries in applying “soft power” in Kazakhstan. Firstly, Kazakhstan is included in the integration processes in the postSoviet space, and consequently, the interaction is closer than with other states outside the region. Secondly, in Kazakhstan the Russian language is still widespread, although the sphere of its use is narrowing. Thirdly, there are connections with Russia, conditioned by related and friendly ties, as well as by professional ties. At the same time, however, there are limitations, since the Soviet past is not always and not universally accepted.

Methods of maintaining soft power

As for practical activities in Kazakhstan, such structures as the Russkiy Mir Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo, which rely on the development of the Russian language and work with compatriots, are more focused on it in Russia. The Russkiy Mir Foundation has its own centers and offices in Kazakhstan. Their task is to promote the Russian language and Russian culture in foreign countries. Since 2015 the Agency’s principle of humanitarian work has received a country-based approach that considers specific characteristics of each state and provides an individual program for cooperation. It should be also noted that such a program or a concept, both for Kazakhstan and other Central Asian countries, is not publicly available. In 2015, the Agency turned to a projectbased work and tried to explore new formats for RSCCs in the humanitarian sector. Rossotrudnichestvo’s activity is built under Sub-Program 3 “Activities in International Humanitarian Cooperation (IHC) and International Development Assistance (IDA)” within thе State Program on “Foreign Policy Activity”. In 2016, the amount of money which the Agency originally planned to spend for Sub-Program 3 reached 3.7 bln rubles.

Figure 2 – Financing of State program

The main goals of Sub-program 3, relevant to Kazakhstan and Central Asia, are the following:

To promote Russian science, culture and education in foreign countries. Rossotrudnichestvo is proactive in export of Russian education and promotion of science achievements, aimed at maintaining and strengthening the prestige of the Russian educational system and scientific community. Providing education to Kazakhstani students is an important instrument of Russian soft power, as youngsters accept certain values and  

shape attitudes during their education period. Russian schools’ attractiveness among Kazakhstan students is much related to the quality of education, language availability, geographical proximity and similarity in mentality. Moreover, lots of graduates intend to stay in Russia for further employment, while a Russian university diploma often increases chances for successful employment in Kazakhstan as well [7].

As of 2014 more than 50,000 Kazakhstani students got their education abroad, with 28,000 students trained in Russia. According to this indicator, Russia ranks 1st (followed by China with 11,200 students), which shows the high attractiveness of Russian education among students of Kazakhstan. Moreover, Kazakhstani students are entitled to enjoy the same opportunities for tuition free scholarships at any public university in the Russian Federation as Russian citizens do. In addition, since 2003 the Russian Ministry of Education through Rossotrudnichestvo’s channel has been providing grants (free education) for Kazakhstani students. For instance, in 2014, the quota was 150, while they received double the number of applications. In 2015, the quota increased to 240, and submitted applications to 400. In 2016, the number of quota reached 3008 [8]. Thus, the last two years have seen a distinct increase in both educational grants (2 times) and interest on the part of Kazakhstani students. To be able to estimate the numbers of those Kazakhstani students, who might become interested in getting Russian higher education, one should look on language skills. For example, in the beginning of the 2015/2016 academic year Kazakhstan had 127 institutions of higher education with the total number of 459,369 students. 62.7% were enrolled in the state language Kazakh, 34.3% in Russian and 3% in English [9].

To distribute and strengthen Russian language One of the key directions of Moscow’s soft power approach is to promote and support Russian language. The “Russian Language” Federal Target Program for 2016-2020 is a strategic tool for this policy.

For the last 5 years 79 Rossotrudnichestvo’s offices and partner institutions jointly with the Russian Ministry of Education and Science and the A. Pushkin Institute of Russian Language have been constantly hosting different cultural, educational, research and methodological activities and projects. 55,821 copies of educational, fictional and non-fictional, as well as reference books and multimedia publications have been distributed in 61 countries and donated to national educational institutions, libraries, associations of compatriots and other NGOs. 64 multipurpose projects (research conferences, festivals of Russian poetry, theater performances, literature and music, seminars for teachers of Russian language, master classes, round tables, virtual tours, modern and classic cinema, workshops, book fairs, etc.) have been implemented with Compatriots Program as well in 80 countries throughout the world [10].

To support compatriots abroad. Russian Federal Agency for CIS Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation proactively cooperates with fellow organizations through joint activities for people, who continue to identify themselves with Russia, and develop friendly bilateral

In Kazakhstan, the Rossotrudnichestvo Agency cooperates with 30 organizations, including the Cossacks, Orthodox, Slavic and educational communities, as well as youth, research and ethnic centers. The Program for compatriots (2015-2017) is aimed at widely promoting the consolidation of these public associations and their informational autonomy, as well as supporting Russianspeaking communities in maintaining their intellectual, culturaland linguistic background, developing educational, cultural, research and religious ties, supporting youth and socially vulnerable compatriots. To implement this program, the Agency has conducted related activities in 77 countries. For instance, Almaty hosted a traditional campaign “Ring of Memory”, dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War on August 24, 2015. This event is held annually in the city of Almaty and Almaty region with the support of the Russian Federation Consulate General and Rossotrudnichestvo. The members of “Eaglet”, children’s patriot club, together with veterans visited military burials [11].

To develop public diplomacy, research, educational, cultural, economic, informational and other humanitarian ties with both state and non-state structures of CIS member states and other countries, international and regional

Rossotrudnichestvo’s task is to boost cooperation among NGOs, foundations, associations and other institutions. The main pillar of the Russian public diplomacy as a component of soft power is the “Russian world”, a concept of inter-state community that connects people abroad, who feel the need to maintain contact with Russia, the Russian language and culture. It is expected that public diplomacy will provide a favorable external environment and strengthen Eurasian integration, not only promoting sympathy for Russia, but supporting foreign policy interests by means of public and interpersonal levels of communication.

To develop, implement and monitor information and analytical policy to strengthen Russia’s unbiased perception, cultural and humanitarian presence. Constant informational presence and expansion in the Internet are other forms of soft power by means of social media and cinema industry. Main information resources are the official website of the Federal Agency for CIS Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation and the sites of its missions abroad.

In 2015, Rossotrudnichestvo together with the RTVi TV channel created a series of programs for foreign audience, dedicated to the Russian language, culture and other aspects of cultural and humanitarian cooperation between Russia and other countries. Attention in the context of foreign policy was paid to the informational promotion of the 70th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War and the implementation of various media projects. Rossotrudnichestvo’s local offices jointly with the Russia Today TV channel showed a series of videos about the victory. The “George Ribbon” information campaign took place in 70 countries around the world [12].

In Kazakhstan, Russian media are very popular on social, political and international issues, although you rarely find any news or programs about Kazakhstan there. However, the Kazakhstani television industry is less professional and therefore can not compete. Given the pro-government agenda of Russian media, their impact on the information space in Kazakhstan can cause some problems and risks for internal stability and harmony. Coverage of the Russian media in connection with the situation in Ukraine caused a split among the population of Kazakhstan for supporters and opponents of the Kremlin’s foreign policy. At present, 111 domestic TV channels are officially registered in Kazakhstan, 24 of which are national and 87 regional. There are 4 channels in Akmola, Almaty and Pavlodar regions, 14 in Almaty, 4 in Astana, 5 television stations in Aktobe oblast, 3 in Atyrau, 6 in East Kazakhstan and Kostanay region, 1 in Zhambyl region, 2 in the north, West Kazakhstan and Kyzylorda oblasts, 13 TV channels in the Karaganda region, 19 television stations in the South Kazakhstan region.36 There are also 254 foreign TV channels in the Kazakhstani media environment [13].

Threats from public diplomacy of the Russian Federation

Public diplomacy is an effective tool for the formation or domination of the image of a country outside its borders. If it benefits the state that leads it, the country to which this diplomacy is directed does not always remain in the key. Given the Kremlin’s global ambitions, Kazakhstan’s society will equally remain divided between the Russian world, democratic values and the national idea. For example, the restriction or ban on the activities of Western non-governmental organizations in the Russian Federation, as well as the Law on Non-profit Organizations and criminal responsibility, affect democratization in Central Asia and the prospects for the growth of the well-being of citizens. Laws that strengthen authoritarian measures and attempts to influence civil society along with unpopular and ineffective socio-economic policies, including contradictions within the Eurasian Economic Union, are a problem for all Central Asian societies. Therefore, Kazakhstan should take into account threats from the “soft power” of Russian Federation.

There is a list of potential threats to Kazakhstan from “soft power” conducting by Russian Federation:

• weakening of the state language;
• worsening of the image of the country;
• the declining of patriotism among young people;
• an increase in the flow of youth leaving abroad;
• weakening the neutral / critical view and strengthening the proRussian view of the world;
• vulnerability of the media and informative space;
• weakening the country’s attractiveness;
• oblivion of own traditions, culture and values;
• threats to national security;

To sum up, it is very difficult to maintain friendly and good-neighborly relations with stronger states that try to use less powerful countries in their games for world domination or for influence in a certain region. The art of political balance is not available to everyone, especially when it comes to soft power. Therefore, it is so important to preserve national identity and be able to firmly defend the interests of one’s own country.

In these conditions, Kazakhstan should keep its distance when it comes to language, social media and television industry, as well as the process of nation building within the framework of the forthcoming political transit, and be guided exclusively by national interests and development priorities. Below, the author offers his recommendations for the protection of national interests and security from a potential enemy as a “soft power” [14]:

1. Development and in-depth study of its state language; use of the state language in all spheres and levels; monitor and monitor, plus try to dominate the state language by highlighting the importance of language in the
2. Protection of the information sphere, the creation of own television space beyond the control of the Russian media; or to give an alternative in broadcasts in the form of Western media resources on an equal footing with the Russians in order to show different views on this or that situation. This will stimulate critical thinking and filtering of news flows;
3. Reforming educational programs and improving the image educational program for foreigners in order to attract the youth of own and other states; to adopt the experience of the best countries on the educational side, to improve and strengthen the role of the institutions of our
4. To spread and strengthen own values, culture, traditions, as well as to develop technological and scientific spheres of our country;
5. To develop own public diplomacy in the context to improve the image of our country abroad and to protect ourselves from the public diplomacy of other countries, because the development of soft power is a very pressing issue in the conduct of politics in a globalizing world.

REFERENCES

1. Nye S. Limits of Leadership: Changes in the Nature of American Power. Oxford University Press, 1990 – P.5.
2. Nye J. Soft Power: the Means to Success in World New York: Public Affairs, 2004. 192 p.
3. Nye J. Soft Power and Higher Education. 2004. Access mode URL: http://net.edu/ir/ library/pdf/FFP0502S.pdf (Accessed 30.11.2017).
4. Применение силы гибридная логика России. – Режим доступа: http://www. stanradar.com/news/full/25526-mjagkaja-sila-vs-primenenie-sily-gibridnaja-logika-rossii. html/(дата обращения 11.2017).
5. Наумкин В.В. и др. Интересы России в Центральной Азии: содержание, перспективы, ограничители. М.: РСМД, Институт Дальнего Востока, С. 48
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7. Report of the Committee on CIS Affairs, Eurasian Integration and Relations with Compatriots on the draft federal law 15455-7 “On the Federal Budget for 2017 and the planned period of 2018 and 2019”. – M., 2017.
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10. Report On the Results of Activity of Rossotrudnichestvo for 2015. Access mode URL: http://rs.gov.ru/uploads/document/file/199/doklad_2015.pdf/- (date 11.2017).
11. При поддержке РЦНК в Казахстане прошла акция «Кольцо памяти». – Режим доступа: http://cis.minsk.by/news.php?id=5520 –(дата обращения 10.2017).
12. Реестр отечественных телеканалов. Министерство по инвестициям и развитию РК Комитет связи информатизации и информации. – Астана,
13. Реестр иностранных теле-, радиоканалов, поставленных на учет и распространяемых на территории республики Казахстан (2015). – Министерство по инвестициям и развитию РК Комитет связи информатизациии информации. – Режим доступа: http://info-con.mid.gov.kz/ru/pages/reestr-inostrannyh-tele-radiokanalov/(дата обращения 11.2017). 
14. Raev D.S., Sagynay D. «Soft power» as a tool of the implementation of public diplomacy of Kazakhstan //Известия КазУМОиМЯ имени Абылай хана. Серия «Международные Отношения и Регионоведения». – 2017. №3(29). – С.45-52.