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Modern problems of ethno confessional organizations in the middle east

The analysis of the factors contributing to this state of affairs, the main of which is reduced to at ethno confessional diversity of the Arab part of the region of the Middle East, historically and expressed, in particular, in the abundance of communities professing original endemic religion and consider themselves on this basis, a distinct ethnic group, despite the fact that many of the signs makes them dominant Arab population. Spectrum of ethno-political forces acting on the regional arena and the Middle East is exceptionally broad and may have serious effects on the international political climate in the region and the stability of the political space of individual states, situated on its territory. 

Politics of the Arab East and the State of Israel against ethnic minorities and diasporas ethno-confessions "considered e ethno-status systems of the Arab countries and the State of Israel, as well as mechanisms of their formation under the influence, as national policy, and historical traditions of ethnic interaction. In addition, this chapter defines the boundaries of the impact of state institutions in the Middle East on the socio-political activity of ethnic minorities and diasporas ethno-confessional operating in their territories. Ethno-confessional and Diaspora: the experience of the Arab countries' analyzes and summarizes the experience of ethno-political systems and models of national policy, the Arab countries that are significantly different liberal, at least in comparison with the Iranian and Turkish counterparts. Leaders of Arab countries recognize the ethnic minorities and Diasporas ethno confessional right to develop their specific culture and traditional social institutions to minimize their interference in the affairs of ethnic and religious communities [1, p.22].

The analysis of the factors contributing to this state of affairs, the main of which is reduced to at ethno confessional diversity of the Arab part of the region of the Middle East, historically and expressed, in particular, in the abundance of communities professing original endemic religion and consider themselves on this basis, a distinct ethnic group, despite the fact that many of the signs makes them dominant Arab population. The fact that these community co-exist in the same area for many centuries also promotes constructive cooperation honey them and a major part of the population, because it is, [2, p.321] so to speak, during this long period of history itself developed mechanisms of their interaction. As an example, was analyzed in detail the situation in the Arab Republic of Egypt, which is home to the Coptic minority, different from the dominant Arab population both in language and in religion. But despite significant progress, the latent conflict situation still exists and it is connected primarily with the fact that the Egyptian government is not willing to accept the end of equality between Christians and Muslims. And even in some of the Egyptian Constitution and the laws of this country there are provisions in part at the legislative level to justify discrimination Copts. However, between Copts and Arabs always existed a constructive dialogue, still serve as the key sustainable development of Egypt in the future, despite the fact that on the one hand, the Coptic community has a wide range of opportunities for its cultural development, having quite an extensive network of relevant institutions, but On the other hand, there is some discrimination in the political sphere, which is riddled with Muslim stereotypes, reject the idea of subordination of Muslims infidels. The main contradiction is that in Egyptian society, Islam limits that allowed [3, p.67] secular laws, thus creating a situation of duality, fraught with political instability and the development of contradictions on ethnic and religious grounds.

Another illustrative example is the treatment of ethnic minorities and diasporas ethno confessional in Syria and Lebanon. The largest Diaspora in these countries is the Armenians diasporas, optimally integrated into the host society in these countries and at the same time preserving their original culture and ethnic identity. Politics Israeli leadership against ethnic minorities and diasporas "reveals the problem of relations of Jewish citizens and representatives of national minorities, especially the Arabs, is one of the most pressing problems of the state of Israel today. Noted the uniqueness of the constitutional system in Israel, which is characterized by the lack of a unified written constitution as the fundamental law of the state, which, inter alia, regulate relations between the state and national minorities. The main challenges are constantly faced the Arabs in Israel. One of the most important is the housing problem, because the government refuses sufficient [4, p.89] to finance the infrastructure of the existing Arab settlements or build new, unemployment, the problem of education and many others. In fact, the rights of citizens in Israel are different for different categories of the population, respectively, stated the existing, in the country of citizenship of different types of system.

The main arena of political expression of the Arabs, are the local authorities rural and urban councils, while the central government institutions and influential non-governmental organizations under the control of Jews. The country's leadership has long exercised an unbalanced approach to national minorities, and the main purpose is to split demographically growing Arab community. So, for example, friends or Bedouins, who are ethnically Arabs qualified official agencies independent national Israel. The tension in the relationship between the two main ethnic groups in Israel sometimes contributing to a sharp aggravation the political situation in the country [5, p.200]. In general, the policy of the Israeli leadership with respect to the non-Jewish population of the country is subject to the decision of the two main strategic objectives. First, maintaining the dominance of the Jewish community and the Jewish character of the Israeli state, and secondly to offset the negative effects of the actual social and legal inequality of citizens in the national religion. Thus, the non-Jewish communities are provided with ample opportunities of independent cultural development and internal self-government. Some of the Arabs living in Israel, the state granted certain privileges. This category could be considered Druze, Circassia’s living in Israel today, they have always played a fairly significant role, and Israel supports their desire to preserve their culture, they, in turn, in spite of the discrimination at the household level, quite peacefully coexist as Jews, so and with the Arabs, and generally very loyal to the supreme power. Is significant enough Russian community, elements of discrimination can be traced mainly only at the household level, and the citizens themselves do not experience any harassment from the government [4, p.124].

In general, the Israeli government has a number of very promising opportunities for radical improvement of the situation, but here it is necessary to conduct a distinct boundary between the rigid opposition of anti-state activities of Islamic and other radical organizations and ensuring equal rights and opportunities for citizens members of national minorities who are loyal to Israel [1, p.99]. Spectrum of ethno-political forces acting on the regional arena and the Middle East, is exceptionally broad and may have serious effects on the international political climate in the region and the stability of the political space of individual states, situated on its territory. Mosaics ethno confession composition of the population of Middle Eastern states determined the many trends of development, many of which are still preserved, having survived the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Islamic revolution in Iran and a number of other social and political upheavals. The abundance of ethnic minorities, diasporas, ethno confession separated ethnic groups and sublet formations, as well as very weak consolidation of the dominant ethnic groups has led to the Middle Eastern social organism has developed a number of specific protective mechanisms to avoid in a multicultural scale conflicts that could lead to "war of all against all" and jeopardize the very existence of the Middle Eastern countries [4, p.190].

These mechanisms, which are, apparently, one of the unique characteristics of the society of the Middle East, or, if you will, the civilization of the Middle East, stabilize society and create conditions to minimize opportunities to move the existing contradictions and latent ethno-religious conflicts in the form of an update. One such mechanism is stable ethnostatus system evolved over several centuries and provides for every ethnic and religious group own functional niche in society, largely determines the occupation of its representatives, the level of material wealth, social status, defined by the presence in prestigious areas employment, representation in government, etc [3, p.99]. On the one hand, this situation makes it difficult, it would seem, social mobility, but on the other to stabilize the position of the ethnic community, guarantees, shall we say, the minimum conditions necessary for the preservation of and reproduction of ethnic culture and identity. Stabilizing moment, apparently, is that taking a stable niche in society, which, as a rule, nobody attempts; ethnic group feels threat to its existence, which reduces the number of preconditions for the emergence of the situation of ethnic tensions [5, p.44].

Note also that one way or another, ethnic group occupied a niche is not absolute, an insurmountable obstacle in the way of human-to-career and material well-being, especially that any ethnic group is stratified and its representatives hold, as a rule, several niches, including prestigious. Example confirming the validity of this thesis can serve as Copts, are an ethnic minority in Egypt and occupy leading positions at the same time, as in a number of sectors of the economy and in the political sphere [2, p.124].

Thus, the form of inter-ethnic communication in the relationship between ethnic minorities, diasporas, ethno confessional and dominant ethnic communities in the countries of the Middle East can be characterized as segregation related to the ongoing process of ethno-political parties cautious policy of the individual, which in the state (national) level switches in symbiotic integration, in which there is no question of equality, but there defined the relationship, minimizing the possibility of open and large-scale conflicts. It should also be noted that such a system of inter-ethnic communication has the capability of self-regulation, which is achieved, in our view, due to its relative simplicity-output of a particular ethnic group beyond its functional niche and increase its status cause a violent reaction from the other members of ethno-political process aimed at the suppression of "troublemakers" and restore the balance of power in the ethno-political sphere. This development helps, among other things, to a large extent neutralize the impact on the regional political processes of extra-regional actors Western countries, international organizations and multinational corporations seeking to strengthen its influence in the Middle East by supporting any low-status ethnic groups becoming social support penetration of their influence in the region and receives an opportunity to improve one way or another their status in ethno-social stratification, an example of which, again, can be read Copts [2, p.58 ].

Another mechanism to preserve the ethno-political stability of the Middle East are the traditional social institutions and relationships cultivated non-dominant ethnic groups, and are designed to ensure their cultural First, the presence of traditional institutions based on clan and / or local identity, allows normal operation mode of ethnic segregation, due to the fact that the traditional elite, being inherently "inflexible" not seeking to innovate, can, if necessary, to successfully resist assimilations aspirations of a state that is achieved at times due to direct refusal to comply with the requirements of various center [2, p.54].

Second, successful functioning of traditional institutions contributes to the stabilization of functional non-dominant ethnic niches, because traditional structures and promote conservative, as it seems, the reproduction of the skills of representatives of various ethnic groups, as well as the formation of ethnic elite draws its resources from a particular sphere of activity. Third, the traditional social institutions and relationships provide the conditions for the functioning of specific protective mechanisms ethnic culture conducive to overcoming a variety of threats to identity of its representatives and its very existence as an independent social organism. Fourth, the fact of the non-title (non-dominant) ethnic groups of traditional social institutions determines the impossibility of their long-term consolidation in opposition to the center, because strengthening traditional institutions leads to increased ambitions of traditional leaders and strengthen the contradictions between them, favorable central government [2, p.88].

 

References

  1. Kamrakov A. Ethnic minorities in the ethno-political processes in Iran: History and Modernity // Bulletin of the Nizhny Novgorod University. – 2006. – № 2. – Р.
  2. Kamrakov A. The role of ethnic minorities, ethno-confessional, diasporas and separated peoples in the political processes of the Middle East. Nizhny Novgorod, 2007. 10
  3. Kamrakov A. Specificity ethno-confessional development in the Middle East: the case of Israeli Druze // Journal of International Studies. 2006. – № 3. – Р.2.
  4. Kamrakov A. The main trends in the development of ethnic minorities and ethno-confessional case of Arab countries // Journal of International Studies. – 2007. № 2. – Р.
  5. Kamrakov A. Ethno-political system in Turkey: the main stages of the evolution // Actual problems of the study of modern Turkey. Nizhny Novgorod, 2007 P.

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