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Results of the vith plenary session of the 18th convening of the prc ccp cc

Abstract. This review article is devoted to the results of the VIth Plenary Session of the 18th convening of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party of the People's Republic of China. The plenum was devoted to matters of the inner-Party construction and strengthening the positive image of the CCP. The decision made in this connection comprises one more step in strengthening the power positions of Xi Jinping and his team on the eve of the XIX Congress of the CCP, which is planned to be held in Autumn 2017.

Introduction

Between 24 and 27 October, the VIth Plenum Session of the 18th convening of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party of the People's Republic of China was held in Beijing. The plenum was attended by 197 members of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (out of 205 elected at the XVIII Congress), 151 (out of 171) candidates for members of the CCP CC, the members of the CCP CC, responsible workers and specialists. For the first time in recent years, the plenum was held behind closed doors. The progress of the plenum did not receive general media coverage, although the agenda was known in advance, and the issues discussed at the plenum were widely discussed in the Chinese Party Press throughout the year.

Expectations that some experts on China (especially Western ones) had expressed that the plenum would try to change the current procedure for the succession of power and even make radical adjustments to the political system of the PRC were not justified.

One cannot but acknowledge that the decisions adopted at the plenum are not only a serious step in strengthening the positions of the leaders of the “fifth generation” and Xi Jinping personally, but more importantly in correcting the seriously shaken positive image of the CCP and strengthening its position in the political system of the PRC. The two main documents adopted by the plenary session, “Some regulations and principles of inner- Party political life in the conditions of a new situation” and “The CCP's position on inner- Party control” are aimed at resolving these issues.

The main themes of the Plenary Session

The topic of inner-Party work and strengthening the positive image of the CCP was central to the discussion. And it is no accident that in his speech at the Plenary Session, Xi Jinping compared the current situation with the situation in 1980, when after a decade of the “cultural revolution,” it became necessary to reconsider some of the results of the development of the PRC and the CCP. At that time, the related document “Some regulations and principles of inner- Party political life” that, according to Xi Jinping, “played an important historical role” in “restoring and revitalizing the regulations of inner-Party democracy, protecting the collegiality and unity of the party, strictly enforcing party discipline, stimulating party unity, correcting the erroneous and restoring the right in politics, ideology, organizational sphere and in the style of work, transferring them to the centre of party work” was adopted [1].

Characterizing the current situation, Xi Jinping stressed that during the comprehensive analysis, the Politburo reached the conclusion that it was necessary to focus on the following aspects:

Firstly, the need to improve the strategy of “the Four Comprehensive Aspects” [2]. This involves realizing “the Two Centurial Goals” and the “Chinese Dream” of reviving the greatness of the Chinese nation; to work in coordination both within the country and in the international arena [3]; to maintain a new political course, determined by the specifics of China's development; to stimulate reforms, openness and modernized socialist construction under new conditions, to support resolutely and develop the chosen strategy of Chinese specific socialism.

Secondly, the need to deepen the course of Comprehensive Party Management with the full force of law.

Thirdly, the need to resolve contradictions and problems that exist and are perpetuated within the Party.

Xi Jinping said that the most urgent problems were responsible for the following:

  • the instability of faith in ideals, dishonesty before the parties, weak discipline, separation from the masses, arbitrariness, distortion of facts and deception, laziness and inaction, taking place and manifesting itself in various forms among some Party members and staff (including senior staff member);
  • individualism, separatism, liberalism, familiarity, factionalism, clan (shantou zhui), capitalism;
  • formalism, bureaucracy, hedonism and pursuance of luxury that have become particularly relevant;
  • nepotism, using pressure to obtain a position, buying and selling positions, bribing voters, all done openly and obviously;
  • increased incidences of abuse of power, corruption, degeneration, violation of laws and discipline.

According to Xi Jinping, special attention should be paid to the actions associated with political conspiracies, the growth of political ambitions and thirst for power among a small number of top-ranking staff members, their duplicity, the creation of factions for their own interests, groups and gangs in order to seize power.

These problems “seriously undermine the moral and ideological foundation of the Party, destroy Party unity and centralism, seriously damage the political situation within the Party and its image, and have a serious impact on the relations between the Party and the people”.

According to Xi Jinping, “We have realized this and now we need to resolve contradictions and problems within the Party, put the ideological and political work in first place, create a fresh political atmosphere in the Party”.

Concerning the problems of inner-Party control, Xi Jinping drew attention to the following problems:

weak leadership in some regions and departments, omissions in Party building, insufficiently serious attitude to the all-round management of the Party with the full force of law;

indifference observed in some members of the CCP and Party staff members, organizational laxity, weakening of discipline;

in some Party organizations, Party members and staff member do not strictly follow the CCP's Charter, do not act with political discipline, ignore organizational principles.

As Xi Jinping stressed, “although we are aware of these problems, they still exist; some problems are not solved completely, some problems need to be studied anew, making efforts to resolve them at the ideological, political, organizational, systemic and behavioral levels. It is especially necessary to see that within the new historical context, major changes in the situation inside the country and in the international arena have been made, the environment and the conditions in which the CCP should work have changed significantly, the “four experiences” and the “four threats” [4], are long-term, complex and serious”.

According to Xi Jinping, two key points for correcting these contradictions and problems relate to the following.

Firstly, the goals and basic principles of political work within the Party. They presuppose the following: the unswerving maintenance of the political and ideological line of the Party; to support unswervingly the collective leadership, to oppose arbitrariness; to defend the Party's collective unity, to observe strictly Party discipline; to adhere strictly to Party membership, to speak the truth, words must not disagree with deeds; it is necessary to develop inner-Party democracy, to give proper treatment to different points of view; the powers guaranteed to the Party members do not imply their inviolability; the Party must be controlled by the masses and the members of the CCP do not have special privileges.

Secondly, the key link is senior staff. Strengthening and normalization of political life within the Party and strengthening inner-Party control is a requirement for the entire Party and a common task for all Party members. However, first of all it concerns the higher-ranking staff members; “it is necessary to understand that strengthening the Party construction should begin with leading staff members, especially with the top ranking staff members - members of the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Politburo Standing Committee”.

Such a rigorous formulation of the issue raises several points. Firstly, a degree of internal conflict does take place within the CCP between the different factions, and not only does it seriously undermine the positive image of the CCP and prevent the necessary reforms, but it also threatens the Party and the State. Secondly, the “campaign against corruption and degeneration” will continue, and it will be aimed at the leading staff member and party workers, including representatives of the highest echelons of power. Thirdly, the struggle against factionalism in the CCP and the elimination of “specific principalities” and the “secret societies” revealed in recent years in several provinces will continue.

It can be assumed with a high degree of certainty that the main goal of these campaigns will be not merely to restore the positive image of the CCP and increase its capacity to manage society. But, no less important, the staffing of the XIX Congress of the CCP scheduled for autumn 2017, at which the “fifth generation” expects to achieve a final staff victory, thereby ensuring opportunities for more effective socio-economic and, perhaps, political reforms.

Strictly speaking, two main documents adopted by the plenum are aimed at this goal. The main provisions of the first document “Some norms and principles of inner-Party political life in the conditions of a new situation” boil down to the following [5].

Firstly, they assess the current problems and specifics of the new situation. The document repeats those estimates that Xi Jinping expressed in his explanations.

Secondly, the new status of Xi Jinping is fixed as “a core of the CCP CC” [6]. As emphasized in the document, this decision is “the most important guarantee of creating a new situation in the Party and the State; implementing the principle of all-round management of the Party with the full force of law, close connection of the ideological construction of the Party and the systemic management of the Party; concentration on streamlining the style of work, resolutely fighting corruption and degeneration, purifying the inner-Party atmosphere; the development of a new political atmosphere in the Party, the union of the Party's thoughts with the thoughts of the people”. Moreover, as was emphasized in later propaganda materials, this decision is only an official formalization of the current status quo [7]. It is difficult to argue with this conclusion. Xi Jinping certainly concentrated huge powers in his hands, effectively substituting the “collective leadership” of the Politburo and the Politburo Standing Committee by “small leadership groups”.

Giving him the status of “a core of the CCP CC” takes him to an entirely new level within the CCP and gives him almost unlimited powers, especially given the decisions of the plenum to strengthen internal Party control. It is difficult to say how he will use his new status. Perhaps he will decide to carry out radical political reforms, as has repeatedly been hinted throughout 2016. However, this is hard to believe. Xi Jinping cannot be described as radical in politics, he will let go of the power like a kite, keeping the thread in his hands.

The most likely conclusion to be drawn is that he needed a renewed status for a final victory over his political opponents. Since on the eve of the XIX Congress of the CCP the struggle between the various groups will inevitably worsen, and the CCP CC of the 18th convocation is by no means monolithic, the present times require a person whose authority in the Party exceeds the “collective opinion”, as it was in the days of Deng Xiaoping, when the opinion of “the elders” was more significant than the decisions of the CCP CC.

The downside of this is that Xi Jinping can now be blamed not only for the concentration of power, but also for all the troubles of China, including the economy slowing down and many years of social problems.

Thirdly, the document emphasizes the need to strengthen ideological work in the CCP. According to the document, “Communism is a distant ideal and the general idea of Chinese specific socialism, the spiritual basis and political spirit of Communists, as well as the ideological basis for ensuring unity of the Party”. “Lurches of ideology are the most dangerous lurches; the demise of ideology is the most dangerous demise. All members of the Party are bound to imbue with the belief in Marxism, to devote their lives to the ideals of socialism and communism; must steadfastly adhere to the faith in the path, the theory, the system and the culture of Chinese specific socialism”.

The ideological basis of the CCP is stated as Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong's ideas, Deng Xiaoping's theory, the most important idea of “triple representation”, a scientific outlook on development, conscientious study of the spirit of Xi Jinping's most important statements, dedicated adherence to the provisions of the CCP Charter, constant enhancement of theoretical and ideological level of Marxism.

Fourthly, all members of the CCP and, in particular, leading staff members, are required to adhere strictly to the “main Party line”. As emphasized in the document, “The main Party line at the initial stage of socialism is a fundamental guarantee of the destiny of the Party and the State, the welfare of the people and the proper development of political life within the Party. It is necessary to enforce comprehensively the main Party line, to put economic construction at the centre, to adhere to the four basic principles [8], to adhere steadfastly to reforms and openness, combining them with the great practice of Chinese specific socialism”.

The additional elements of the “main Party line” in the document are stated as follows:

the need to support the idea of putting people at the centre; coordinated promotion of the “five in one” [9], the orderly implementation of the “four comprehensive aspects”;

unswerving maintenance of the concept of development on the basis of innovation, coordinated development, countryside, openness and universality;

constant improvement of people's living standards, implementation of “the Two Centurial Goals” and the creation of a material basis for implementing the Chinese dream - reviving the greatness of the Chinese nation.

In addition, it is emphasized that the party must adhere unswervingly to the four basic principles, to adhere to Party leadership, to adhere to the path, the theoretical system, the structure and the culture of Chinese specific socialism.

Fifthly, the document calls for resolutely defending the authority of the CCP CC and ensuring the implementation of laws and instructions by all the members of the CCP that “is closely linked to the future destiny of the Party and State, the fundamental interests of the masses of all nationalities, and is an important goal of strengthening and normalization of a political life inside the Party”.

The document emphasizes that “the steadfast maintenance of leadership by the Party is, first of all, the steadfast maintenance of leadership by a single and united Central Committee. One country, one political Party, the leading core are the central points”.

As for the most important directions of the political course of the Party and State, only the CCP CC has the right to define and interpret them.

All members of the Party must consciously obey the leadership of the CCP CC. The NPC, the State Council, the CPPCC, the CCP CC, the Supreme People's Court, the Supreme People's Procuratorate, Central Party and State Bodies, the Chinese People's Liberation Army, various people's organizations, local government and government bodies, enterprises and public organizations, and Party organizations must carry out and implement the policy determined by the CCP CC.

All members of the party must consciously suppress and struggle with individualism, separatism, liberalism, and localism. Destructive actions, uncoordinated actions, self-will are unacceptable, hypocrisy and double-dealing are especially unacceptable in any party organizations and among communists.

Sixthly, the document requires all members of the Party to observe strictly the Party discipline, which is the most important guarantee of “the unity of thought and action, as well as a joint progress”. Special structures or members that do not obey the general Party discipline are unacceptable in the CCP. The members of the CCP are:

forbidden to discuss topics that are harmful to the Party theory, lines and the course of the Party;

forbidden to participate in open discussions against the decisions of the CCP CC;

forbidden to disclose Party and State secrets;

forbidden to participate in illegal organizations and illegal actions;

forbidden to fabricate and propagate political rumors that discredit the image of the Party and State.

forbidden to believe in feudal prejudices and religion;

forbidden to participate in heretical sects, support religious extremism, ethnic separatism and terrorism.

The members of the CCP, staff members and, in particular, senior staff members, should not create small groups, gangs and factions within the party; protectionism, nepotism and the creation of interest groups are strictly prohibited.

With regard to all varieties of careerists, factionists and members of secret gangs, it is necessary to take strict measures and deal with them on the basis of regulations of discipline and laws. It is decisive to suppress the activity of ambitious people and conspirators who seek to usurp the power in the Party and the State.

Seventh, the document calls for supporting “blood ties between the Party and the masses”. As stated, “all members of the Party and especially the leading staff members of the central government must follow the line of the masses, rely on the masses and implement the line of the masses, must work for the people and be servants of the people”.

All party members must resolutely oppose formalism, bureaucracy, hedonism, leading staff members, especially top-level staff members, must show this by personal example.

Eighth, the plenum did not confirm the predictions of some Western experts that Xi Jinping would encroach on the system of collective leadership. A special section of the document is devoted to the continued maintenance of the principle of democratic centralism, which is regarded as “the basic organizational principle and the most important system guarantee for the normal development of political life in the Party”.

The document stresses: “Unswerving maintenance of the system of collective leadership, the implementation in combination of the principles of collective leadership and individual responsibility are the main organizational components of democratic centralism, which must be followed by all party organizations and members”.

At the same time, the document calls to suppress and oppose resolutely arbitrariness or separate actions; to stop resolutely and speak out against empty talk that is not supported by actions, to combat window dressing and the failure to implement decisions ; to suppress and oppose resolutely collective violations of the rules, presented as a collective decision of the Party Committee.

Ninth, the document places special emphasis on the need to develop inner-Party democracy and ensure the rights and interests of Party members, that “is the main basis for activation and improvement of the political life within the Party”.

The document calls to fight resolutely violations of the elections, to bring an end to the purchase and sale of posts and bribery of voters. It is forbidden to use party membership to obtain posts, honours and preferences. It is forbidden to interfere with the election process of leading staff members, or to influence the appointment of civil servants.

In addition, it repeats the standard principles of an active and equal participation in political decision-making, democratic discussion, etc. However, it is not so clear how all this will be combined with the ban on the open discussions and criticism of “the main line and the course” worked out by the CCP CC.

The document ends with a call to strengthen the systemic nature of the work of primary party organizations, the need to develop criticism and self-criticism, to improve the system of economy and control, and to strengthen selfcontrol by party members and the development of modesty and incorruptibility in them.

As the document emphasizes, “all members of the Party and staff members, in particular high-ranking staff members, must be imbued with the concept of strengthening the Party, and be constantly in the forefront of this process. It is not permissible for any member of the Party to be outside the party organization and, in particular, to put himself/herself above the party organization”.

Criticism and self-criticism are proven means of treating illnesses and strengthening the Party; it is necessary to use these weapons effectively.

Control is the most important guarantee that the potential is being used in the right direction, the most important means of strengthening and normalization of the inner-Party political life. It is necessary to strengthen control over the leading staff members, the Party should not have powers without restriction, there should not be “specific Party members” who are out of control.

All the leading staff members are servants of the people and do not have specific powers and privileges. Members of the Politburo should be exemplary in the performance of the “eight orders” [10].

All the leading staff members, especially senior staff members, must adhere steadfastly to the principles of “the establishment of a Party for all” (li dan wei gung) and “implementation of the government for the people” (zhi zheng wei min), clearly distinguishing between private and general, put the general in first place and the private last, put public interests above personal, adhere to a modest and cautious style of work, not to be conceited and not to be cunning; adhere to the principle of honest and modest management; it is unacceptable to use an official position for personal purposes.

Leading staff members, in particular senior management, should pay attention to their families, the upbringing of children and family relationships, and supervise the upbringing of relatives and their employees. Moreover, they should adhere strictly to the principle of individual accountability of leading staff members, keep the business of spouses and children constantly under control. It is forbidden to misuse an official position or to exert pressure in the specific interests of relatives, and the employment of relatives in the spheres supervised by leading staff members is prohibited. Leading staff members and groups are responsible for the illegal actions of their relatives and are obliged to report them.

The fact that the main attention in the “campaign against corruption and degeneration” will be attracted to the leading staff members, including representatives of the highest echelon of authority, is evidenced in the words of Mao Zedong quoted by Xi Jinping at the plenum on the problem of the so-called “Shantou Zhuyi” mountain fortresses. Mao Zedong described the so-called “corrupt” party officials, who in the 1950s created their own clan patrimonies in defiance of state interests. Judging by the results of the “campaign against corruption and degeneration”, today this problem has once again became an urgent matter for the CCP.

This is also evidenced by the fact that the plenum decided to expel four former high- ranking officials from the CCP. These were the former Secretary of the CCP CC of Liaoning Province, former Chairman of the NCP SC, Wang Ming [11]; former Deputy Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the CCP, Liu Xiven [12], as well as two high-ranking military officials - former Deputy Political Commissar of the Lanzhou Military District, Fan Changmi, and former Deputy Commander of the Armed People's Police, Niu Zhizhong.

The second document, “the CCP's Regulation on Internal Control”, is more specific and has as its main objective “the steadfast maintenance of Party leadership, strengthening of Party building, the all-round management of the Party with the full force of law, strengthening inner-Party control and ensuring the Party's unique character and purity”. Since the document was developed by Wang Qishan's department, the main emphasis is on those tasks, the solution of which provides for a “campaign against corruption and degeneration” [13].

As emphasized in this document, the most important content of inner-Party control is:

  1. Compliance with the norms of the CCP's Charter, the durability of ideals and beliefs, the implementation of the Party's guiding principles, exemplary observance of the regulations of the Constitution and laws;
  2. Protection of the collective leadership of the CCP CC, strengthening of political consciousness, understanding of the general situation, understanding of the “core”, the awareness; the implementation of the theory, line and political course of the Party; ensuring the guarantees of strict compliance with the laws by all party members;
  3. Strict adherence to the principle of democratic centralism, and compliance with the regulations of inner-Party political life; implementation of the following principles in practice: “a member of the party is subordinate to the party organization”, “a minority to the majority”, “lower-up to the higher”; all Party organizations and all Party members are subordinate to the NPC and the CCP CC;
  4. The implementation of the principle of all-round Party management with the full force of law , a clear understanding that Party discipline and in particular political discipline and political regulations are the most important components of building an honest and incorruptible Party, fighting corruption and degeneration;
  5. The implementation of the spirit of “the Eight Orders”, the normalization of the style of work, close ties with the masses, the strengthening of the CCP base as the leading Party;
  6. Steady compliance with Party staff criteria, the correct promotion and management of staff, the implementation in practice of the norms of selection and working arrangements;
  7. Honesty and inflexibility to oneself, accessibility to society and fairness in the use of official position;
  8. Complete fulfillment of the tasks set by the CCP CC and higher Party organizations.

It is very symptomatic that Article 6 of the document specifically stipulates: “The most important objects of inner-Party control are the governing bodies and leading staff members, in particular the senior staff members”.

It is clear that the key role in the practical implementation of these rules, which came into force from the time of publication, will be assigned to the CCDC of the CCP and its “inspection groups”, which in the past three years have done tremendous work in identification not only of corrupt officials but also of members of “secret societies”, “specific princelings” and even “conspirators”.

It is not yet clear how strengthening inner- Party control will affect the positions of Wang Qishan and whether Xi Jinping will be able to leave him as part of the Politburo Standing Committee after the XIX Congress of the CCP. Of course, the history of the CCP has had such precedents, and the head of the CCDC of the CCP remained in office after reaching the 70-year limit for senior management serving in government service. However, it is difficult to say whether it will happen to Wang Qishan. And it is not so much about him having many enemies, including those among the members of the current CCP CC, the problem is that this precedent can be misinterpreted as a prologue to Xi Jinping's extension of his own powers. [14]

Although Xi Jinping is interested in retaining Wang Qishan as the Chairman of the Central Committee of the CCP, he is unlikely to do so if he is not be able to enlist the support of the majority in the CCP CC for the time remaining until the XIX Congress of the CCP. In any case, the above matters will be examined by the Congress, at which extraordinary decisions, including those relating to personnel, will almost certainly be taken.

 

REFERENCES:

  1. .(Xi Jinping. Explanation of “Some regulations and principles of inner-Party political life in the conditions of a new situation” and “The Regulation of the CCP on inner-Party Control”). // People's Daily, 03 November 2016
  2. . “The Four Comprehensive Aspects” is a strategy of the CCP, worked out after the XVIII Congress of the CCP and providing for the following: the comprehensive construction of a moderately prosperous society; Comprehensive deepening of reforms; Comprehensive government in accordance with the Rule of Law; comprehensive Party management with the full force of law.
  3. . The new strategy of China's actions in the international arena, consolidated in the “13th Five-Year Plan” provides for a close interconnection of the economic and political situation within China and in the international arena. It refers to the need to take into account the latest trends in economic globalization; the need for the correspondence of economic development to the conditions of the “new normality”; the need to meet new international social expectations.
  4. .“Four Experiences” is the experience of being in power; the experience of reforming and openness; the experience of the market economy; the experience of the external environment. “Four Threats” is the threat of spiritual looseness; the threat of insufficiency of forces; the threat of separation from the masses; the threat of indifference, corruption and degeneration.
  5. . (Some regulations and principles of inner-Party political life in the new situation). // People's Daily, 03 November 2016
  6. .The term “core” (xeosing) was introduced by Deng Xiaoping, who came to power after Mao Zedong and supervised the implementation of the “four modernizations” in China. Deng Xiaoping granted the status of supreme leader posthumously to Mao Zedong, and then granted it to his successor Jiang Zemin. Jiang Zemin did not transfer this title to Hu Jintao, so that through “collective leadership” he could continue to rule the country through his protégés and authorized persons.
  7. . (The Sixth Plenary Session clearly indicated the “core” position of General Secretary, Xi Jinping). // Xuexi Shibao, 31 October 2016 http://www.wxyjs.org.cn/.
  8. .“The Four Basic Principles” were put forward by Deng Xiaoping in December 1978 at the Third Plenum Session of the 13th Central Committee of the CCP and subsequently entered the CCP Charter and all party documents.
  9. They call for the adherence to the socialist way of development; adherence to the democratic dictatorship of the people and the dictatorship of the proletariat; adherence to the leadership of the CCP; adherence to Marxism-Leninism and the ideas of Mao Zedong.
  10. .“The five-in-one” promotion concept was put forward at the XVIII Congress of the CCP and provides for coordinated economic, political, cultural, social and environmental construction, the comprehensive construction of the xiaokang society, the implementation of socialist modernization and the revival of the greatness of the Chinese nation.
  11. .“The Eight Orders” were adopted on 04 December 2012 at a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CCP. According to the idea of their author, they should inculcate a spirit of modesty and frugality to the leaders of the Party and State. Party leaders (primarily members of the Politburo of the CCP CC) were required to reduce the number of empty speeches and unnecessary meetings; media reports that contained no information value; reduction of the number of escorts in foreign trips; traffic overlapping during official trips ; a ban was imposed on obtaining mandatory permits to publish their participation at meetings in the media; publication of open works without a signature; strict rules were established for the use of official housing and vehicles.
  12. .On 30 September 2016, Wang Ming was sentenced to 12 years in prison for committing corruption crimes. On the same day, Bai Enpei, the former Deputy Head of the Ecological and Resource Committee of the NPC, was sentenced to death; the former Secretary of the CCP Committee of Guangzhou City, Wang Qingliang, the former Deputy Chairman and Secretary of the Party Committee of the Chinese Association of Science and Technology, Shen Weicheng, the former Vice-governor and Member of the CCP Committee of Hainan Province, Tan Li, the former Deputy Chairman of the NPC SC of the Shanxi Province, Jin Daomin were sentenced to life imprisonment; the former Member of the SC, the Head of the Secretariat of the CCP Committee of Shanxi Province, Ne Chunyu, the Head of the Unified Front of the CCP Committee of Shanxi Province, Bai Yun, were sentenced to 15 years in prison.
  13. . In October 2016, the case was referred to the People's Court of Jilin City. Liu Xiwen was accused of using his official position for mercenary purposes and unlawfully receiving financial compensation from third parties, which qualified as committing corruption crimes.
  14. . (The CCP’s position on the internal control). // People's Daily, 03 November 2016
  15. .See Korostikov M. The Communist Party of China is aligned along the general line. The 6th Plenum Session of the CCP raises the Party discipline and Xi Jinping status. // Kommersant, 27 October 2016

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