The article revealed that the completion of coagulation of mass arrests was a change of leadership of the PCIA and the return of all its units in the control of the party apparatus. In this regard, in a telegram signed by Joseph Stalin, the first item announcing the adoption of the CPSU (b) resolution, which demanded an immediate inspection, approval and establishment of personal files on employees of internal affairs bodies of all ranks and levels of the relevant party bodies the Central Committee of the Communist National parties, territorial and regional committees, the storage of these cases in the party.
The author on the basis of the sources shows that as a result of this test, "the PCIA must be free from all hostile people infiltrated by fraud, are not worthy of political trust." All proposed a set of measures meant that now the PCIA workers were in the party organ appropriate level range, carried before him directly responsible politically. All letters of the items offered to perform 1.01.1939g.
The modern historiography of the USSR political history of the first half of the twentieth century introduced a wide range of previously unknown historical documentsin the scientific revolution. This source base, in particular, studied various aspects of the phenomenon of political history of the 30-ies, such as the mass political repressions. At the same time, the potential inexhaustible source of historical research continues to raise questions, both unknown and little-known ones. The latter include a telegram dd November 14, 1938 sent by. J.V. Stalin to the regional party organs.
The source analysis involves consideration of historical conditions anticipating the appearance of it and accompanying it upon its occurrence. It also requires a logical semantic analysis and comparison with other sources,both matching on informational orientation and contradictory to it. It is also necessary to establish the role of the sources in the future, after its occurrence, in the course of the historical events.
Review of the history of mass political repressions use presupposes the establishment of the essential content of the concept definition. According to the materialist conception of history, paired concepts, categories and terms reflecting respectively binary in relationships and bipolar in multi-directionality events and trends are usually accepted in his works. Such phenomena are in direct opposition to each other, or become so. Concepts termed "retaliation" and "repression" refer to such binary oppositions
Reprisals (from lat.) to hold, stop, condemn mean in the internal policy government measures and actions, any political force in response to the violation of their rights in order to force the abolition of the violation or reimbursement of damage. Whereas repression(from lat.) depression,means punitive measures of government in the range of damage suffered, exclusion from political life to the physical disappearance with judicial or extra-judicial measures. The degree of intensity of the confrontation determined the scope and duration of the repression.
According to the strength of political situation and the scale of the use of repressive measures a number of periods can be roughly identified. The years of Soviet power and the front of the civil war were accompanied by brutal mass repressions in the distance from the front lines, in the areas controlled by the opposing camps. Creation of AREC (All-Russian Special Commission for Combating Counter-revolution, Sabotage, and Speculation) in December 1917, the Decree of the Red Terror, in response to similar reprisals of the opposite camps reached their peak under the influence of different reasons[1]. the extreme conditions in the country, accompanied the rise to power of the Bolshevik Party, not in the long union with the "Left" SocialistRevolutionaries, by the end of the second decade, remained and continued to escalate. Objectively, the main resources of political time and political space, wherethe Soviet government dominated, were very small. Since the revolt of the Czechoslovak Corps in response to the demand to disarm, led to the overthrow of Soviet power along the VolgaRiver to the Pacific Ocean, with concurrent physical disappearance of the party and Soviet activists.
Very important is the fact of the choice of "Red Terror" from the alternativeeither repression, or passive expectation of the situation development. The three-year period of mass repressionsresults in ban on the death penalty and the reorganization of the AREC (All-Russian Special Commission for Combating Counterrevolution, Sabotage, and Speculation) to SPD (State Political Directorate) in early February 1922 [2].
In the following eight years,from 1922 to 1929 repressions were used in the form of deportation abroad and imprisonment to camp for the period of up to 5 years – thus, the rejection of the real and imaginary opposition from political life was carried out without seeking any compromise. A peculiar embodiment of the period "monism" "pluralism" in a one-party system was a confrontation along the lines of: "party" "non-party" supporters of the possible candidates for the party leadership Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev, future tandem of N.I.Buharin and Joseph Stalin. The said party leaders could claim for the sole leadership in the party after the death of Lenin, and, indeed, in the previous time of his long illness. Their high political authority in the party, however, did not give any reason to the personal superiority of one of them each carrying a burden of deficiencies noted in the famous "Letter to the Congress" by Lenin[3].
Accordingly, the focus of political confrontations shifted to replace the reprisals in the form of counterrevolutionary activities of the overthrown classes real or imaginary "saboteurs" among the "non-party, on the first line" appear and supporters of Trotsky as well and Trotsky himself become the objects of pursuit. Repression mechanism remains the same the definition of "enemy image" is headed by political leaders managed by Stalin, search is carried out by SPD JSPD (Joint State Political Directorate) bodies, the society under the influence of ideological pressure either supports the measures taken, or silently agrees to them.
The subsequent eight-year cycle 1929 – 1936 includes the continuation of the search of "pests" and "enemy image" within the party and is replenished with "Zinovievites", "nationalists", "national -deviators", etc. The proportion of reprisals and repressions increases in favor of the latter –long imprisonment terms and the death penalty for minor manifestations of resistance. The merger of the JSPD and the PCIA (People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs), dramatically increases the authority and value of the Commissariat in the system of political regime the mandate of the People's Commissariat now covers the whole process from the search for "enemies" before the execution of the sentence[4].PCIA workers become a privileged part of the intra-elite, ready, for the sake of their status, to carry out anyinstructions from the "top".
Peak use of large-scale political repressions falls on the three-year period 1937 – 1939. "The image of the enemy" expands to the maximum the "Right" Bukharinites join the internal party enemies, in accordance with the international situation spies and saboteurs, "national fascists" and others appear. The power of thePCIA increases so much that itsurpasses regional party organs in the issue of repression, but becomes the object of suppressionitself. However, large-scale repression has a certain limit the enemy cannot be infinite–rolling outthe scale of repression begins on instructions from above and can be implemented in one way, as in the first three-year cycle the reorganization of the PCIA.
The internal dynamics of political repressions, technology of their implementation within the considered sub-periods reflects the change in the position of the ruling party in the country and within its system. From the actual status of one of the political forces, not the most influential in the political space of the former Russian Empire, using repression as one of the leading means of maintaining and consolidating the power, effectively implementing the resource of political time CPSU (b), becomes infinitely dominant political force in the new political space formed by it, with the main feature the construction of the foundations of socialism. Inside the former Party leadership contenders and their supporters are removed from the political scene. The impending Second World War, with the inevitable involvement of the USSRin it, in extremely unfavorable conditions of foreign policy, is to become the biggest challenge of the new military-industrial empire, the answer to which will be complete internal unity, even with the potential of its destruction to a limited extent.
In respect of source study, period reducing the repression, the transition to a low level is reflected in the historical documents of the party, especially in the decisions of the central organs of the party. One of them is a telegram of J. Stalin dated 14 November 1938, directed to regional party organizations.The text of the telegram received by Kyzyl-Orda OK CP(B) C was taken for analysis[5].
As for appearance the analyzed source is a text printed by telegraph on telegraph forms of conventional sample from both sides. The basic data of origin and destination are filled on the first form only, the address "... Kyzyl-Orda: regional Communist Party " is specified. There are 6 filled forms total, which is 12 pages of telegraph format text.
The text of the telegram, freed from conventional telegraphic signs ("PTA", "pt", "brace" ) intermediate words is as follows.
Bureau of city committees, regional and territorial committees and the Central Committee of the Communist National parties.
The Central Committee of the CPSU (b) as accepted the decision that the Central Committee of the CPSU (b)is liable for registration, verification and approval of all senior officials of the People's Commissariat apparatus from top positions to heads of branches, and the following employees of local Commissariat the People's Commissars, Deputy People's Commissar and department heads of the PCIA Union and autonomous Republic chiefs of territorial, regional and district PCIA, their deputies and heads of departments of these bodies, heads of municipal departments and the PCIA[6].
In accordance with this decision, regional and territorial committees and the Central Committee of the Communist National partiesshall make a personal list of senior officials of local PCIA mentioned above, currently employed in the PCIA on the day of receipt of this letter and execute a personal profile for each of them, which should be stored in the regional and territorial committees, the Central Committee of the Communist National parties, all the work on accounting shall be carried out no later than on the fifth day of December 1938[7].
Conduct a thorough review of all cases registeredPCIA, by careful examination of all the documents of the employees or personnel files, materials of special checks and etc., and a personal acquaintance with them, without waiting for representation of these workers by the head of the PCIA for the approval of the regional committee, regional committee of the Central Committee of the Communist National parties. As a result of this test, the PCIA must be cleaned from all hostile people fraudulently penetrated into the PCIA, from persons not deserving political trust [8].
Consider for the Bureau of regional and territorial committees and the Central Committee of the Communist National parties offers from chiefs of regional, district administrations of thePCIA and the People's Commissars of the PCIA of the Union and autonomous republics in relation with the nominations of employees on all of the above positions of senior officials of local PCIA and approve for these positions honest, well-tested Bolsheviks wholeheartedly dedicated to our party[9].Each of the approvedPCIA employees shall be studied by the head of DEWA, one of the secretaries of the Regional Committee, the Regional Committee, the Central Committee of the Communist National parties. In approving the city and district heads of departments of the PCIA there must be reference from the first secretary of city committee, regional party committee of the CPSU(b)on the approved employee agreed with the members of the Bureau, the district committee of the CPSU(b)[10].
With the approval of the PCIA workers the head of the PCIA or People's Commissar of the PCIA of the Union or autonomous republicshould send their proposals, together with the decisions of the governing authority of the Party in the USSRPCIA to the regional committee, the Regional Committee, the Central Committee of the Communist National parties, to represent these workers on the approval of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) [11].
All work on accounting, verification and approval of the people's commissariat shall be completed no later than on the first day of January, 1939, and a full report on the results of this work shall be sent to the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) [12].
The First Secretary of the Regional Committee, the District Committee, the Central Committee of the Communist National parties should systematically submit memoranda on progress in integration, testing and approval of senior officials of the People's Commissar of the internal affairsto the DEWAthe CPSU (b). These notes must specify all the facts about the shortcomings in the work of the PCIA and the contamination of them with alien and hostile people, found in connection with registration, verification and approval of thePCIA workers. In particular, it is necessary to inform what employees of the PCIA, and for what reasons have been rejected on the decision of the Bureau, and what PCIA employees of those currently employed in the PCIAbodies and for what reasons have been presented by the head of the PCIA or People's Commissar of the PCIA of the Union or autonomous republic for approval by the committee of the party and what employees have been substituted with other workers [13].In addition to reports the decision of approval and acceptance of PCIA workers submitted for approval by the leaders of party authorities shall be submitted as well.
As for all those not approved by the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), they must also be checked by regional and territorial committees and the Central Committee of the Communist National parties together with the heads of the local PCIA. This work should take place in the next three months. For these workers the following order is to be applied: they shall be employed and dismissed by the order of the head of the local authority of the PCIA and in the preparation of this issue the decision of the regional committee, the District Committee, and the Central Committee of the Communist National parties of employees of regional territorial and republicanPCIA and the decision of the District Committee bodies, city Committee of the regional Committee of the party workers of district, city, county PCIA [14].
The transfer of local worker approved by the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) PCIA from one area, region, republic to another shall be carried out by the Deputy Commissar of the PCIA (Human Resources) on obtaining permission from the file of the Central Committee of the leading party bodies of CPSU (b) approved by the CPSU (b), they should also be checked by regional committees in case of transfer of communists from one party organization to the other [15].The transfer of employees of local PCIA from one area to another within the same region, district, republicshall be carried out on order of the chief of the PCIA when the permission from the Regional Committee, the Central Committee of the Communist National parties is accepted. November 14, 1938. Secretary of the Central Committee of theCPSU(b) Stalin [16].
This source, like any other historical sources, bears the fingerprints of time, manifested in the form of language, execution and, directly, in the information content. In respect of its credibility, it is rightful to define it as a trusted list of the original.
As for information value assessment enables to refer the document to the class of documents defined in the history study as "historical remnants" – documents, monuments, historic act that more accurately reflect the reality than another group of sources the "historical tradition"[17].
The studied telegram, signed by Joseph Stalin, in fact, reflects a particular specificity of the provisions of the Cheka-GPU-PCIA bodies in the system of political relations and the practice of the political regime of the Soviet power. As a "historic residue" telegram can be perceived as a direct result of the relationships in the community and the party directly reflects the position of the PCIA bodies existed at the present moment and its role in the nearest future. For the period of 1937-1938PCIA reached the highest degree of power, in many ways, "holding the palm of leadership among all similar punitive and repressive organizations ever created in the history of mankind." R.Konkvest in the book "The Great Terror: Stalin's purges of the thirties," said "PCIAemblem a shield and sword, was placed above the hammer and sickle, symbolizing the Communist Party. These people are not to overlook anyone, including members of the Politburo. Only one man was above the PCIA the supreme political leader Stalin”. These statements reflect the situation prior to sending the telegram at the point of political time.
In a broader historical perspective -. From the creation of the Cheka in December 1917, the position of the power structure is mainly characterized by not only and not so much by its powers in imposition of the death penalty and the subsequent right to send in a link for a period of up to 5 years in the camps of forced labor (March 1920 )but also by non-interference of any government bodies in the issue of employment with the exception of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) [18].The authority in the country and the party of the first leaders of the Cheka– Dzerzhinsky andR.V.Menzhinskiy somehow "guaranteed" against illegal actions. Appointed on the decision of the Central Committee of People's Commissars of Internal Affairs, and before that headed the OGPU, during the period from 1934 to 1936 G.G.Yagoda the son of Latvian Jews, pharmacist by profession who headed the toxicology laboratory in the Kremlin, already had a reputation as a veteran of the KGB and the "Red Terror."[19].He was displaced on September 30, 1936 and the People's Commissar N.I.Yezhov was appointed, who was in a year elected as candidate member to the Politburo. Both People's Commissars were not limited in independent recruitment at the central and local levels [20]. Thus, the rise to leadership of Yezhov was accompanied by the arrest of all deputies of Yagoda and all heads of the PCIA departments. The second wave of repressions swept approximately 3,000 employees of various levels. They were replaced by appointees of Yezhov, perhaps at the top level candidates were agreed with Stalin[21]. On December 8, 1938 Yezhov was removed from his post, sent to a less responsible job, later arrested and shot dead. Beria became the head of the PCIA.
Accompanying occurrence of the test document describes the historical circumstances reaching "peak of mass political repression” from the beginning of 1936, the maximum use in 1937-38 and to the gradual weakening of disparate values in 1939.
The interpretation of the text of the telegram, according to the terms of its appearance, shall include direct and figurative meaning of the text, deciphering specific expressions, metaphors and allusions.
The facts of the case are obviously seen in the text the regional party elites were proposed to establish the direct control over the PCIA activities by providing appropriate levels of the CPSU(b) with unlimited prerogatives in solving personnel issues the appointment of the heads of the PCIAat regional and local levels.
The procedure of appointment proposed in the telegram excluded any ambiguous interpretation and directly emphasized the inclusion of direct managers in the range of party bodies, along with all other members of the party-state elite of Directors of MTS, industrial and collective farm chairmen. Registration at the Central Committee with the preceding discussion and approval at the meetings at various levels of Bureau, conducting special checks and controls over all transfers inside thePCIA all the said directly demonstrated significant expansion of the regional party nomenclature rights in matters of domestic policy.
Allegorically the telegram content and contained therein political allusions can be considered in two ways. The first of these concerns refers to the regional policy, including national regional party elite, the most affected by the "great cleansing". The center, in the face of the CPSU (b), just made it clear that party leaders of the regions obtained the full trust, "purified from the enemies of the people" and now they could and should strictly comply with its instructions.
The second meaning was addressed to the unit of thePCIA, which had to think about their own situation, the need to avoid possible accusations of "penetrating into the unit by fraud, in the hidden" hostile", to prove their right on " political trust " from the local and central Party organs. All the said, specific for the period and mentioned in the telegram "the dedication of our party" had a vague moral and ethical character and were outside the legal field. Their application to the PCIA bodies could be interpreted as a hidden allusionthat the Center accepted for Party Secretaries some internal intrigues and settling scores with the allpowerful leaders of the local PCIA units. In addition, the indirect issue of further finding "enemies" was not removed at all, but clearly was crowed out.
Another important point in the evaluation of the positive values of the studied source is its direct correlation with other sources in the sense of confirmation of its information value, and determining concurring estimates.
As for the text of the telegram, its approved content is generally consistent with historical documents such as the decision of January 1938 of the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) "About errors of Party organizations in exclusion of the Communists from the Party, the formal bureaucratic attitudes to appeals excluded from the CPSU (b) and the measures to address these shortcomings." In the most general meaning the decision of the plenum destroyed the former "high-speed" repression procedure expulsion from the Party, discharge from position, sending the case to the judicial or extra-judicial bodies, the use of repressive measures. Introduction of appeal procedures for handling initially falsified "case" at least hindered the application of repression in time and could even delay the decision and result incase termination. Similarly, the procedure of the application of the right to appeal was fixed in the new statutes of the CPSU adopted at XҮІІІ Party Congress in March 1939.
The tight deadlines to the beginning of 1939 set forth in telegram demonstrate the willingness to quickly terminate the repression scale. As noted above, the center showed an example of it – already in three weeks after the telegram was sent N.Yezhov was removed from his post and sent to the People's Commissariat of Water Transport. A similar outcome expected other significant figures in thePCIA. The content and time of the decision on the establishment of party control overthePCIA bodies,reflected by Stalin in a telegram dated 14 November 1938 clearly showed that the absolute power of this body was finished for a long time, if not forever.
- Soviet prosecutor's office. Collection of important documents.M .: "YuridicheskayaLiteratura", 1972. 408 p. 2 DzerzhinskyF.E. Biography. M.:"Politicheskayaliteratura", 1983.–474p.
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- History of the USSR and RSFSR legislation on criminal procedure and organization of the court and prosecutor's 1917-1954g.g. Coll. Doc. Ed.by.GolunskiS.A, "YuridicheskayaLiteratura" M.:1955.– 569 p.
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